
What we need right now is a rescue operation. Policy-makers around the world need to do two things: get credit flowing again and prop up spending
bubbalouie wrote:Interesting article 2 yen. Thank you. However, I can't help but think it is misguided and missing the big picture.
There is no turning back now. What started out as a major credit crisis will soon move into a full-blown currency crisis. The middle class will be wiped out.

rhenderson wrote:Could you please explain how someone with no debt, holding real return bonds, some precious metals, preferred shares, 25% equities (mainly utilities) will be wiped out


bubbalouie wrote:rhenderson wrote:Could you please explain how someone with no debt, holding real return bonds, some precious metals, preferred shares, 25% equities (mainly utilities) will be wiped out
I was mainly talking about Americans holding US dollars and US stocks but it applies to anyone holding these instruments. However, hyperinflation will also come to Canada although our currency will partially protect us. Holding cash and bonds will be detrimental. Holding on to real estate and gold and anything tangible that will move up in price with the hyperinflation is the best strategy.
Reading 1923 German history now will be better than reading it later. I need to read more of it too.

bubbalouie wrote:rhenderson wrote:Could you please explain how someone with no debt, holding real return bonds, some precious metals, preferred shares, 25% equities (mainly utilities) will be wiped out
Holding cash and bonds will be detrimental. Holding on to real estate and gold and anything tangible that will move up in price with the hyperinflation is the best strategy.
Reading 1923 German history now will be better than reading it later. I need to read more of it too.


bubbalouie wrote:However, hyperinflation will also come to Canada although our currency will partially protect us. Holding cash and bonds will be detrimental. Holding on to real estate and gold and anything tangible that will move up in price with the hyperinflation is the best strategy.


danielcarrera wrote:I don't think hyperinflation is realistic, but if you are worried about that, consider Real Return Bonds.

lilbit wrote:California residents trade guns for groceries: sign of the times...

Bylo Selhi wrote:lilbit wrote:California residents trade guns for groceries: sign of the times...
Meanwhile Tronntonians traded pistols for pixels. What's that a sign of?

danielcarrera wrote:I don't think hyperinflation is realistic, but if you are worried about that, consider Real Return Bonds.



bubbalouie wrote:i can only tell you that when the popular media was publicizing low inflation the last 2 years, I saw huge inflation in food and energy; this in turn left me less money to buy other things

What lies behind the credit squeeze is the combination of reduced trust in and decimated capital at financial institutions. People and institutions, including the financial institutions, don't want to deal with anyone unless they have substantial capital to back up their promises, yet the crisis has depleted capital across the board.
The obvious solution is to put in more capital. In fact, that's a standard response in financial crises. In 1933 the Roosevelt administration used the Reconstruction Finance Corporation to recapitalize banks by buying preferred stock—stock that had priority over common stock in terms of its claims on profits. When Sweden experienced a financial crisis in the early 1990s, the government stepped in and provided the banks with additional capital equal to 4 percent of the country's GDP—the equivalent of about $600 billion for the United States today—in return for a partial ownership. When Japan moved to rescue its banks in 1998, it purchased more than $500 billion in preferred stock, the equivalent relative to GDP of around a $2 trillion capital injection in the United States. In each case, the provision of capital helped restore the ability of banks to lend, and unfroze the credit markets.
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It seems doubtful, however, that this will be enough to turn things around, for at least three reasons. First, even if the full $700 billion is used for recapitalization (so far only a fraction has been committed), it will still be small, relative to GDP, compared with the Japanese bank bailout—and it's arguable that the severity of the financial crisis in the United States and Europe now rivals that of Japan. Second, it's still not clear how much of the bailout will reach the components of the shadow banking system—largely unregulated financial organizations including investment banks and hedge funds—that are at the core of the problem. Third, it's not clear whether banks will be willing to lend out the funds, as opposed to sitting on them (a problem encountered by the New Deal seventy-five years ago).
My guess is that the recapitalization will eventually have to get bigger and broader, and that there will eventually have to be more assertion of government control—in effect, it will come closer to a full temporary nationalization of a significant part of the financial system. Just to be clear, this isn't a long-term goal, a matter of seizing the economy's commanding heights: finance should be reprivatized as soon as it's safe to do so, just as Sweden put banking back in the private sector after its big bailout in the early Nineties. But for now the important thing is to loosen up credit by any means at hand, without getting tied up in ideological knots. Nothing could be worse than failing to do what's necessary out of fear that acting to save the financial system is somehow "socialist."
The same goes for another line of approach to resolving the credit crunch: getting the Federal Reserve, temporarily, into the business of lending directly to the nonfinancial sector. The Federal Reserve's willingness to buy commercial paper is a major step in this direction, but more will probably be necessary.
All these actions should be coordinated with other advanced countries. The reason is the globalization of finance. Part of the payoff for US rescues of the financial system is that they help loosen up access to credit in Europe; part of the payoff to European rescue efforts is that they loosen up credit here. So everyone should be doing more or less the same thing; we're all in this together.



This plan will produce big gains for banks that didn’t actually need any help; it will, however, do little to reassure the public about banks that are seriously undercapitalized. And I fear that when the plan fails, as it almost surely will, the administration will have shot its bolt: it won’t be able to come back to Congress for a plan that might actually work.
What an awful mess.
But Treasury is still clinging to the idea that this is just a panic attack, and that all it needs to do is calm the markets by buying up a bunch of troubled assets. Actually, that’s not quite it: the Obama administration has apparently made the judgment that there would be a public outcry if it announced a straightforward plan along these lines, so it has produced what Yves Smith calls “a lot of bells and whistles to finesse the fact that the government will wind up paying well above market for [I don't think I can finish this on a Times blog]”
Why am I so vehement about this? Because I’m afraid that this will be the administration’s only shot — that if the first bank plan is an abject failure, it won’t have the political capital for a second. So it’s just horrifying that Obama — and yes, the buck stops there — has decided to base his financial plan on the fantasy that a bit of financial hocus-pocus will turn the clock back to 2006.


Professor Paul Krugman at war with Niall Ferguson over inflation
America’s top liberal pundit is at loggerheads with a British don over how to save the world economy
One of them is a “poseur”. The other is “patronising”. One suffers from “verbal diarrhoea”. The other is a “whiner”.
A bust-up on the set of High School Musical 4 perhaps? A scrap behind the catwalk at a Milan fashion show? No. Those accusations were slung round in an increasingly bitter public row between two of the world’s most distinguished commentators on global finance and economics, professors Paul Krugman and Niall Ferguson, of Princeton and Harvard, respectively.
It started as an argument about bond prices. But last week it blew up into a row about racism, printing money, spending our way out of recession, and the fate of the global economy.
...

It’s always impressive to see one person excel in two widely disparate activities: a first-rate mathematician who’s also a world class mountaineer, or a titan of industry who conducts symphony orchestras on the side. But sometimes I think Paul Krugman is out to top them all, by excelling in two activities that are not just disparate but diametrically opposed: economics (for which he was awarded a well-deserved Nobel Prize) and obliviousness to the lessons of economics (for which he’s been awarded a column at the New York Times).

The Deflationist
How Paul Krugman found politics.
by Larissa MacFarquhar
When it is cold at home, or he has a couple of weeks with nothing to do but write his Times column, or when something unexpectedly stressful happens, like winning the Nobel Prize, the Princeton economist Paul Krugman and his wife, Robin Wells, go to St. Croix. Here it is warm, and the days are longer, and the phone doesn’t ring much. Here they live in a one-bedroom condo they bought a few years ago, nothing fancy but right on the beach. The condo’s walls are yellow and blue, the furniture is made of wicker, there are pillows and seashells. There are tall, sprawling bougainvillea bushes along the side of the road.
...


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